Kekerasan Simbolik dan Perlawanan Subordinat

Entah karena perseteruan politik atau perlawanan terhadap arogansi penguasa, masalah kenaikan pajak di Kabupaten Pati memicu protes besar-besaran dan protes tersebut menginspirasi pergerakan serupa di wilayah lain. Pemerintah Kabupaten Pati menaikkan tarif Pajak Bumi dan Bangunan Perdesaan dan Perkotaan (PBB-P2) sebesar 250% pada tahun 2025 yang konon bertujuan meningkatkan Pendapatan Asli Daerah (PAD) untuk pembangunan daerah setelah 14 tahun tanpa kenaikan. Namun, kebijakan ini memicu protes besar-besaran dari warga karena dinilai memberatkan dan menimbulkan kegaduhan, sehingga Bupati Pati akhirnya meminta maaf dan menyatakan akan meninjau ulang kebijakan tersebut. Protes terbuka di Pati dan wilayah lain, meski tidak terjadi di Kabupaten Semarang karena Bupati dengan sigap membatalkan kenaikan yang konon mencapai 450%, merupakan fenomena tak biasa.

Perpajakan sebenarnya merupakan satu praktik tertua sekaligus paling diperdebatkan dalam sejarah masyarakat manusia. Para penguasa sering menghadirkan pajak sebagai kewajiban yang wajar dan sah, yang mengikat rakyat pada otoritas politik. Namun, sejarah juga menunjukkan banyak contoh warga yang melawan, menghindari, atau menyiasati kewajiban pajak tersebut. Eksploitasi terhadap warga negara berupa pungutan pajak ini telah bertahan ratusan tahun meskipun perlawanan terbuka jarang terjadi. Konsep kekerasan simbolik dari Pierre Bourdieu dan teori perlawanan sehari-hari dari James C. Scott mungkin dapat menawarkan cara pandang berbeda mengenai hal ini.

Kekerasan simbolik menjadikan kewajiban pajak menjadi sesuatu yang lumrah, wajar, normal, pun banal. Jauh lebih dalam dari hal itu, urusan perpajakan bukan semata urusan pembangunan, ekonomi, melainkan juga medan pertempuran simbolik dan kultural. Bourdieu (1977; 1990) mendefinisikan kekerasan simbolik sebagai bentuk penanaman makna secara halus oleh kelompok dominan, sehingga kelompok subordinat “salah mengenali, terperdaya, terlena, salah menafsirkan” relasi kuasa sebagai sesuatu yang wajar dan adil. Kekerasan simbolik tidak beroperasi melalui paksaan fisik langsung, melainkan melalui praktik sehari-hari, ritual, dan wacana yang membentuk cara pandang masyarakat.

Dalam konteks pajak, kekerasan simbolik muncul ketika penguasa membingkai pajak sebagai kewajiban moral, yakni membayar pajak dipandang sebagai tanda kesetiaan kepada negara atau kerajaan. Selain itu, penguasa juga membingkai pajak sebagai kewajiban religius – upeti disamarkan sebagai persembahan kepada dewa atau leluhur atau ketaatan kepada ajaran Tuhan. Hal ini mirip dengan apa yang pernah dikatakan oleh mantan menteri, dalam setiap rezeki dan harta ada hak orang lain, yang penyalurannya bisa melalui zakat, wakaf, atau pajak, di mana pajak juga bertujuan mengembalikan manfaat kepada masyarakat yang membutuhkan seperti halnya zakat. Menteri tersebut mengemukakan hal ini untuk menekankan pentingnya membayar pajak, karena pajak dikembalikan kepada masyarakat melalui berbagai program, seperti bantuan sosial untuk keluarga tidak mampu, dan pelayanan kesehatan gratis. Penguasa juga membingkai pajak sebagai kemajuan peradaban yang konon membenarkan pungutan pajak sebagai harga yang harus dibayar atas pembangunan dan modernisasi. Bingkaian-bingkaian tersebut dibuat agar pajak dipandang subordinat (warga negara yang dikenai pajak oleh penguasa) sebagai sesuatu yang “normal,” bahkan ketika secara nyata pajak tersebut mengeksploitasi petani, buruh, nelayan dan kelompok sosial lain di luar penguasa. Dengan demikian kekerasan simbolik ini dapat bertahan lama, karena tidak hanya bergantung pada kekuatan paksa, tetapi juga pada penerimaan, ketidakberdayaan melawan—atau setidaknya kepasrahan—dari pihak yang dikenai pajak.

Dalam Weapons of the Weak (1985) dan Domination and the Arts of Resistance (1990), James C. Scott menunjukkan bahwa petani jarang melakukan pemberontakan besar-besaran. Sebagai gantinya, mereka menjalankan perlawanan sehari-hari: tindakan-tindakan halus seperti menunda-nunda bayar pajak, berpura-pura patuh, mengemplang pajak, atau menyebarkan berita tak sedap secara sembunyi-sembunyi. Strategi tersebut berisiko kecil, tetapi jika dilakukan secara terus-menerus dapat melemahkan otoritas penguasa. Scott membedakan antara transkrip terbuka (publik), yakni penampakan lahiriah dari kepatuhan petani terhadap penguasa dan transkrip terselubung (tersembunyi), yakni wacana belakang panggung berupa keluhan, ejekan, dan penolakan. Perlawanan terhadap pajak sering kali berada dalam wilayah transkrip tersembunyi, subordinat mungkin secara lahiriah membayar, tetapi diam-diam melawan melalui penghindaran, manipulasi, atau kritik terselubung.

Di Indonesia pada masa kolonial, Belanda memberlakukan berbagai bentuk pajak dan sistem tanam paksa. Kebijakan ini dibenarkan melalui wacana “pembangunan” dan “peradaban,” suatu bentuk kekerasan simbolik yang khas (Furnivall, 1939). Para pemungut pajak membingkai kewajiban tersebut sebagai kontribusi yang diperlukan demi kesejahteraan koloni, meski kenyataannya lebih banyak menguntungkan negara kolonial. Namun demikian, para petani merespons dengan perlawanan sehari-hari. Catatan arsip menunjukkan adanya penghindaran pajak secara luas, pemalsuan jumlah hasil panen, dan pura-pura tidak memahami aturan kolonial Belanda (Elson, 1994). Meskipun kekerasan simbolik membuat pajak tampak sah, transkrip tersembunyi memungkinkan petani menolak baik secara ideologis maupun material. Transkrip terselubung inilah yang dilakukan oleh warga Sedulur Sikep di Blora, Pati, Kudus, Grobogan, Bojonegoro, dan wilayah lain di sepanjang Pegunungan Kapur Utara. Kemasyhuran nama Samin Surosentiko sebagai pemimpin Sedulur Sikep tetap bertahan hingga kini.

Hubungan antara kekerasan simbolik dan perlawanan sehari-hari bersifat dialektis. Di satu sisi, kekerasan simbolik memungkinkan penguasa mendapatkan kepatuhan warga negara tanpa harus terus-menerus menggunakan kekerasan fisik. Namun di sisi lain, perlawanan sehari-hari memperlihatkan rapuhnya tatanan simbolik tersebut. Para petani mungkin secara lahiriah menerima legitimasi pajak, tetapi melalui tindakan tersembunyi mereka mengikis “daya paksa” rezim penguasa dan menunjukkan jurang yang semakin melebar antara ideologi dan realitas. Kerangka pikir Bourdieu dan Scott menunjukkan bahwa dominasi penguasa tidak akan pernah sepenuhnya absolut, kekerasan simbolik memang menjadikan ketimpangan ordinat-subordinat terlihat “wajar”, tetapi perlawanan sehari-hari membuktikan bahwa kelompok subordinat tetap memiliki agensi. Dengan demikian, perpajakan menjadi arena di mana makna kultural, otoritas politik, dan perjuangan material saling bertemu.

Sampai kapan pun, ordinat atau penguasa akan selalu berusaha membingkai (reframe) pajak sebagai “kewajiban” yang sah atau wajar sebagai salah satu bentuk dominasi budaya sedangkan ordinat atau warga dikenai pajak akan melakukan perlawanan, baik perlawanan sehari-hari yang bersifat transkrip terselubung atau sekali-kali dalam rentang waktu tertentu sebagai “perlawanan terbuka”.

Usulkan entri baru KBBI

kekerasan simbolik n kekerasan terselubung karena diterima sebagai sesuatu yg wajar oleh individu atau kelompok terdampak

simbolik a tersembunyi, mendalam, dan diwakili melalui simbolyg mengacu pada sesuatu di luar bentuk literalnya (entri ini layak dibedakan dgn entri simbolis)

secara umum maupun dalam menyejahterakan masyarakat nelayan . Sinetron juga kerap menayangkan kekerasan simbolik, misalnya ketika sang majikan memarahi pembantu atau satpam dan si pekerja

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=kekerasan+simbolik&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

subordinat n pihak atau posisi yang terkendali, tunduk, atau ditempatkan di bawah otoritas kekuasaan, atau kepentingan pihak yang lebih dominan

ini secara otomatis akan mengubah cara kerja sebelumnya karena posisi inspektorat merupakan
subordinat kepala daerah . Peraturan pemisahan gender itu sebenarnya sudah secara diam-diam diberlakukan

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=subordinat&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

Sedulur Sikep n komunitas pengikut ajaran Samin Surosentiko, seorang tokoh perlawanan rakyat terhadap kolonial Belanda melalui perlawanan terselubung, menolak membayar pajak, menolak menyerahkan hasil bumi, serta enggan mematuhi aturan kolonial

merupakan cucu trah pejuang karena sebelumnya , Samin Surosentiko — sebagai penggagas
Sedulur Sikep— juga membela Tanah Air melawan Belanda .

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=sedulur+sikep&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

dominasi budaya n kondisi ketika nilai, norma, cara berpikir, gaya hidup, atau praktik budaya dari suatu kelompok yang berkuasa dianggap sebagai standar umum dan dipaksakan, baik secara halus maupun terang-terangan kepada kelompok lain

itu selesai , dan rumah Sanibel menjadi rumah kami . 604113 Kuatnya
dominasi budaya menonton mengakibatkan perbukuan kita sulit berkembang . 604114 Tidak itu saja pendi-dikan

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=dominasi+budaya&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

Sumber Rujukan

Adas, M. (1974). The Burma Delta: Economic Development and Social Change on an Asian Rice Frontier, 1852–1941. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1977). Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1990). The Logic of Practice. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Elson, R. (1994). Village Java under the Cultivation System, 1830–1870. Sydney: Asian Studies Association of Australia.
Furnivall, J. S. (1939). Netherlands India: A Study of Plural Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Scott, J. C. (1985). Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Scott, J. C. (1990). Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. New Haven: Yale University Press.
https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/articles/cjr10j5j70qo
https://regional.kompas.com/read/2025/08/15/092500478/bupati-semarang-resmi-batalkan-kenaikan-njop-dan-pbb
https://www.detik.com/hikmah/ziswaf/d-8059634/sri-mulyani-sebut-bayar-pajak-sama-dengan-zakat-dan-wakaf-begini-menurut-islam

Sastra Daulat / Sastra Pesanan

(Commissioned Literature)

Sepanjang sejarah kebudayaan manusia, sastra kerap “didaulat”, “dipesan”, dan “dipengaruhi” oleh keluarga kerajaan. Para raja dan penguasa lainnya telah menggunakan sastra untuk mengagungkan pun mengabarkan kemasyhuran pemerintahan mereka, meninggikan citra diri, merekam peristiwa bersejarah, dan bahkan untuk menghibur diri mereka sendiri. Dalam kerangka berpikir sebagaimana cara berpikir Foucault (Foucaultian), keadaan ini merujuk kepada apa yang dinamakan patronase yang membentuk perkembangan dan arah karya sastra pada berbagai budaya dan periode waktu (Lefevere, A., 1992). Patronase dalam hal ini dapat dimaknai sebagai daulat yang dimiliki pihak tertentu yang memiliki modal (capital) dan kuasa (power).

Istilah patronase yang akan menyasar kepada istilah “daulat” dan “”pesanan” dalam produksi sastra memang bukan temuan Andrew Levefere atau Michel Foucault. Pendahulu mereka telah memperkenalkan istilah ini kepada khalayak seperti Rosenberg (1955). Istilah ini merupakan fenomena sosial dan sastra yang sangat penting dan kerap dibahas dalam berbagai bidang humaniora dan ilmu-ilmu sosial. Elizabeth I, misalnya, mewarisi tradisi patronase sastra dari ayah dan kakeknya, yang mana Pangeran berkewajiban untuk mendukung para penulis, penyair, dan cendekiawan, dan yang terakhir ini didorong untuk mendukung kebijakan-kebijakan kerajaan atau terlibat dalam kegiatan-kegiatan sastra yang dapat menguntungkan kerajaan. Untuk layanan seperti itu, mereka bisa mendapatkan posisi dalam pemerintahan atau imbalan lainnya. Dengan demikian, patronase dapat pula dimaknai sebagai “instrumen untuk pembentukan dan pengarahan opini publik” (Rosenberg, 1955:1).

Marotti (1991:207) meyakini hampir semua sastra zaman Renaisans Inggris merupakan sastra patron. Puisi Daniel, Drayton, dan Shakespeare, syair punggawa Oxford, Dyer, dan Ralegh, produksi terjemahan Ariosto karya Harington dan The Faerie Queene karya Spencer, berbagai buku sejarah, ilmiah, dan renungan pada masa tersebut dalam segala bentuk dan genre, baik yang ditujukan untuk dicetak atau diedarkan dalam bentuk naskah, berkaitan dengan struktur patronase dalam masyarakat.

Istilah patronase dalam sejarah Barat memiliki berbagai definisi bergantung pada penerapannya dalam berbagai bidang ilmu tertentu. Dalam ranah gereja abad pertengahan, patronase merujuk pada orang yang memiliki hak untuk mencalonkan pendeta paroki. Dalam ilmu politik, istilah ini merujuk pada ‘kekuasaan dan hak yang diakui dari otoritas politik untuk menunjuk orang untuk menduduki posisi tanggung jawab sesuai dengan pendapat, preferensi, atau kepentingannya’ (Bogdanor, 1991: 423). Freedman menyatakan bahwa ‘patronase merujuk pada penunjukan jabatan pemerintah sebagai imbalan atas dukungan politik’ (Freedman, 1994: 2).

Karya sastra Akkadia, termasuk Epos Gilgamesh, didaulatkan oleh para raja di Mesopotamia. Sastra berkembang di istana kerajaan-kerajaan Helenistik, dengan para penyair dan penulis menciptakan karya-karya yang mengagungkan para penguasa dan capaian mereka. Chaucer dalam khasanah sastra Inggris juga menerima dukungan dan pengaruh kerajaan. Di era modern, pendaulatan dan pemesanan sastra oleh patron ini terus berlangsung.

Di tanah Jawa, banyak kalangan meyakini masa awal Keraton Kasunanan Surakarta, setelah pindah dari Keraton Kartasura ke Desa Sala, menjadi era baru kesusastraan Jawa. Beberapa nama pujangga terkenal seperti Yasadipura I, Yasadipura II, Ranggawarsita, dan Ki Padmasusastra telah banyak menghasilkan karya dan karya mereka masih menjadi rujukan hingga kini. Pengageng Parentah Keraton Kasunanan Surakarta, KGPH Dipokusumo menyatakan bahwa pujangga tak sekadar menulis atau membuat karya sastra tetapi pujangga sudah menjadi kebutuhan penguasa (Isnanto, 2022). Fenomena ini dipercaya oleh beberapa ahli sebagai akar dari kesamaran nama penulis Serat Wedhatama (Robson, 1990:5), beberapa memercayai karya tersebut ditulis oleh R.M. Ng. Wiryakusuma dan banyak orang percaya karya tersebut ditulis oleh K.G.P.A.A Mangkunegara IV.

Masih di tanah Jawa, terlepas dari perdebatan apakah masuk ke dalam gagrak baru atau tidak dan mengabaikan dokumentasi Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia (https://kbbi.kemdikbud.go.id/entri/puisi%20esai), puisi esai yang marak pada 2014 lalu dapat dikatakan sebagai sastra pesanan patron karena penulis mematuhi daulat yang diperintahkan oleh pemilik modal untuk menulis puisi yang mereka anggap sebagai gagrak baru. Konon, penulis puisi ini mendapatkan prabayar Rp5.000.000,00 (Situmorang, 2018). Sastra daulat atau sastra pesanan merujuk kepada karya yang dibuat berdasarkan perintah atau pesanan dari pihak lain, bukan sepenuhnya berasal dari keinginan atau gagasan pengarang. Dalam sastra, hal ini bisa berarti karya yang ditulis untuk memenuhi kebutuhan tertentu, seperti promosi, hiburan, atau penyampaian pesan, penyebaran ideologi tertentu, dan lain-lain sesuai permintaan patron, pemilik modal dan atau kuasa. Selain gagrak sastra dewasa, terdapat pula daulat dalam ranah sastra anak, yakni sastra anak yang bertema alam dan lingkungan, ekonomi kreatif, matematika, pengembangan diri, sains, seni budaya, tokoh, pariwisata serta mengandung fokus karakter berani, jujur, percaya diri dan mencintai/menghargai diri sendiri, toleransi, kerja sama/gotong royong, cinta lingkungan, peduli sosial, kreatif, setia kawan, dan berpikir kritis (problem solving).

Fenomena sastra daulat, jika ditelusuri melalui jenis modal seperti yang kekukakan oleh Bourdieu (1982), terdapat tiga jenis modal, yakni ekonomi, sosial, dan budaya. Ia juga memperkenalkan modal simbolik sebagai konsep yang dapat diturunkan dari tiga jenis modal lainnya dan dapat berkontribusi pada posisi sosial seseorang. Bentuk-bentuk modal tersebut saling berhubungan dan dapat dikonversi dari satu bentuk ke bentuk lainnya, yang mempengaruhi posisi individu dalam hierarki sosial dan akses mereka ke sumber daya dan peluang. Raja dan pembesar kerajaan memiliki tiga modal sekaligus, ekonomi, sosial, dan budaya. Pujangga kerajaan menerima daulat sekaligus menerima imbalan atau gaji serta pangkat kebesaran. Negara, juga perseorangan, organisasi, komunitas, instansi pemilik modal, memiliki modal kuasa dan ekonomi, sedangkan penulis menerima daulat dan imbalan.

PUSTAKA

Bogdanor, V., (Ed.) (1991). The Blackwell encyclopaedia of political science. Oxford: Blackwell.

Bourdieu, Pierre. “Les rites d’institution.” Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 43 (1982): 58–63.

Freedman, A. (1994). Patronage: An American tradition. Chicago: Nelson-Hall

Isnanto, Bayu Ardi. 2022. “Keraton Surakarta Berdiri, Era Baru Kepujanggaan Sastra Jawa Dimulai.” Dikutip dari https://www.detik.com/jateng/budaya/d-5905928/keraton-surakarta-berdiri-era-baru-kepujanggaan-sastra-jawa-dimulai. Ditelusuri pada 25 Juni 2025 08.16

Lefevere, A. (1992). Translation, rewriting and the manipulation of literary fame. London:

Routledge.

Robson, Stuart. 1990. The Wedhatama_ An English Translation. Leiden: KITLV Press.

Rosenberg, E. (1955). Leicester: Patron of letters. New York: Columbia University Press.

Situmorang, Saut. 2018. “Angkatan Puisi Esai Pra-Bayar Denny JA.” Dikutip dari https://boemipoetra.wordpress.com/2018/02/19/angkatan-puisi-esai-pra-bayar-denny-ja/. Ditelusuri pada 26 Juni 2025 08.52

Marotti, A.F. (1981). John Donne and the rewards of patronage. In G.F. Lytle, & S. Orgel (Eds.), Patronage in the Renaissance (pp. 207234). Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Usulkan entri baru

sastra daulat n karya sastra yang ditulis berdasarkan perintah atau pesanan pihak tertentu

sastra pesanan n sastra daulat

sastra pedalangan sastra yg berwujud rekabahasa dalang dalam pakeliran atau pergelaran wayang.

sastra amaran n sastra yang berisi peringatan atau nasihat, biasanya mengandung pesan moral atau pelajaran hidup

patron n Sas entitas (orang, lembaga, organisasi, media, dll) yg memiliki modal (kuasa, ekonomi, sosial, dll) yang dapat memajukan atau menghambat produksi karya sastra

Lupa Ingat

Sebagian besar orang mempertentangkan dua kata, ingat dan lupa, bahkan mereka yang mempelajari strukturalisme atau pascastrukturalisme menyebutnya sebagai oposisi biner (binary opposition), bertelingkah atau beradu kening. Sebagian besar orang sangat memuja pentingnya ingatan, tetapi mengabaikan makna perihal lupa atau kelupaan . Dalam filsafat barat, posisi ingatan lebih tinggi daripada “kelupaan”. Pun dalam pemikiran Jawa, kita sering mendengar ucapan orang-orang sepuh “sak begja-begjaning kang lali, luwih begja kang eling lan waspada!” yang diambil dari Serat Kalatida karya Raden Ngabehi Rangga Warsita. Di dalam pepatah Kalatida tersebut, lali dan eling diperbandingkan tetapi eling (ingat)lah yang menjadi pemenang. Hampir sama dengan filsafat Konfusianisme yang menekankan pada subjek ingatan. Namun demikian, Taoisme Zhuangzi justru menekankan “kelupaan” lebih penting dari pada ingatan. Lupa menurut Zhuangzi dapat diringkas dalam empat kategori, yakni melupakan hal-hal material, melupakan pengetahuan, melupakan moralitas, dan melupakan diri sendiri. Melupakan hal-hal materi bermakna menyingkirkan batasan materi; melupakan moralitas bermakna membebaskan diri dari hubungan sosial; melupakan pengetahuan bermakna membuang kecenderungan analitis; dan melupakan diri sendiri bermakna melepaskan diri dari sensasi.

Pada belahan bumi lain, Friedrich Nietzsche (dalam Untimely Meditation) percaya bahwa melupakan secara aktif adalah kekuatan yang membantu orang mendapatkan kebahagiaan dan kejernihan mental, sementara terlalu banyak mengingat dapat melumpuhkan. Ia memandang lupa sebagai penjaga ketertiban mental sekaligus merupakan periode istirahat. Ia juga percaya bahwa melupakan memungkinkan orang untuk memberi ruang bagi ide-ide dan fungsi baru. Maka oposisi atau pertelingkahan antara lupa dan ingat ini menjadi samar karena terkadang manusia melupakan tetapi justeru malah ingat atau mengingat justeru malah lupa. Namun jika ingatan yang terlampau kuat dan malah menjadikan kita lupa maka itu akan melumpuhkan.

MÜrz[1]

tubuhku telentang di licin punggung bebatu, Műrursprung

basah kecipak airmu turun

di lembah terasing

di parit Lungau, ulu hati Salzburg.

di deras arusmu, tubuhku hanyut dalam hangat peluk

bak gadis kecil berhujan ciuman

ia yang kuserahkan kepadamu, sepenuhnya

tubuhku di kedalamanmu,

tubuh yang timbul tenggelam: dalam keindahan

ia yang engkau ajak menari di tepian

romantisme Frohnleiten

berangsur menarikku pelan, nikmati kemegahan Graz

bersanding keagungan: AltStadt

menyeruak di sela deru nafasmu

berangsur memburu tubuh yang kaku, seperti Glockenspiel

dan pelukmu membara di beringas wajah-wajah Schlossberg

meliat seperti bangunan tua: Kunsthaus dan Murinsel.

hingga kita turuni lembut Slovenia

seketika melompat gegas

hingga kita berteriak kuat

di basah Legrad, Croatia.

derumu berangsur melembut di tengah arus: kehangatan

tak jua mampu ku beringsut

dari tubuh berlumpur, penyayang.

Műrz, aku tak lagi berpikir tentang muara

aku tak jua membayang tentang samudera

kemana gerangan tubuh ini engkau bawa

sesungguhnya, terserah dirimu semata.

1200508-kdp

[1] Pernah dimuat di dalam Swarasastra, Suara Merdeka

pas.ca.struk.tu.ral.is.me /pascastrukturalismê/

⇢ Tesaurus

n paham yang beranggapan bahwa tidak semua hal dalam kehidupan manusia memiliki struktur dan dapat dijelaskan unsur-unsurnya

Usulkan definisi baru
n gerakan atau teori (seperti dekonstruksi) yang memandang premis deskriptif strukturalisme sebagai sesuatu yang bertentangan dengan ketergantungan pada konsep-konsep pinjaman atau istilah-istilah dan kategori-kategori diferensial dan melihat inkuiri sebagai sesuatu yang tidak terelakkan yang dibentuk oleh praktik-praktik diskursif dan interpretatif

Kelingan Kelangan

Kelingan Kelangan: Ngendi Paran Mili Sumberan[1]

(Remembering, Loosing: Where else do the springs run?)

…

Dewi: Aku ora bakal lali! (Dewi nyingkap semu guwak jarit kang ngrukupi awake. Dipapak lampu kang ujuk-ujuk murup—Dewi banjur sambat, rerasan, marang kahanan kang disandhang)

Kang… Kang Sito… cekakmen umurem… cerakmen sampean karo pati. Aku piye Kang…Genduk piye… Gusti…! (lampu kang nyorot Dewi mati. Dipunpapak byak lampu kang nyorot panggung)

Siti: Yen wis kedaden kaya ngene kowe ameh ngapa? Yen alam rusak merga polahem dhewe njur sapa sing arep mbok jujuk? Kowe kabeh bakal ngunduh apa kang dadi tandhuranem. Aja kuwatir, kabeh wis tinulis, wis ginaris. Semana uga garising alam kang rusak, merga manungsa padha nggugu karepe dewe, nggragas, ora mikirke anak putu mbesuk bakal kepiye…?!

Dipunsaut suara tembang lan suaranipun Dewik ingkang nandhang bingung lan duka. Pisan malih, tembang kasebut minangka kanca anggenipun Dewik mungkasi adegane, kanca carita,

…

Dewik: (lampu murup nyorot Dewik) Aku bingung, Kang… dina ngarep bakal kepiye dadine… aku butuh gondelan, aku butuh awakem kanggo cekelan… kang… sajroning kelingan, aku kelangan…! (lampu kang mati dipunpapak lampu liya)

Siti: Apa isih duwe rasa duweni? Kok wani-wanine sambat kelangan. Apa isih duwe rasa eman marang bumi? Kok tegel-tegele macak dadi korban? Gage, sawangen kidul kae! Sawah ilang kumandange, Gunung ilang wit-witane. Sawangen! Iki ra mung ngenani Sumberan, utawa wit-witan sing tukul ning kiwo tengene. Iki ngenani bab panguripan. Babagan milining banyu, sing saya suwe saya susut saya seret anggone laku. Kula nuwun, jaman… sing saya suwe saya yak-yakan. Kula nuwun, kasunyatan… sajroning kelingan, ana ati kang nandhang kelangan…(rampung. Lampu mati)

Pati, Oktober-November 2024

translation

Dewi: I’ll never forget this! (Dewi shows off an ankle-length wraparound skirt covering her body. A lamp flickers to life slowly – then she starts complaining, extremely frustrated, due to things happened in her life)

Kang… Kang Sito… your life was quite short, wasn’t it? … such a brief span to death. What about me, Kang… What about our child… Oh my God! (Illuminate the stage, and highlight different areas)

Siti: If you found yourself in a situation like this, what could you do? Who will you listen to when nature gets wrecked because of your actions? You’re all going to face the consequences. Don’t panic, everything has been recorded as part of our fate. It’s also nature’s path that’s been disrupted because of people’s greediness and don’t consider the future of their grandkids…?!

You can hear the song and Dewi’s voice filled with confusion and anger.

…

Dewi: (beamlight) I’m feeling lost, my dear… what awaits us tomorrow? I need your support, your guidance… when I think back, I realize I’ve lost so much…! (bleed through)

Siti: Do you still have a sense of belonging? How can you lament your losses? Do you still care for the earth? Why do you pretend as if you’re the only one suffering? Look south! The rice fields are no longer part of our conversations, the mountains stand bare without their trees. This isn’t just about Sumberan or the trees flanking it. It’s about life itself. It’s about the water that is slowly dwindling. Forgive me, but times are becoming harsher. Forgive me, but this is the reality…

In remembering, some hearts bear the weight of loss.

(Blackout – the end)

Pati, October-November 2024

What an amazing performance by Teater Sekar Langit from SMA PGRI 2 Kayen, Kabupaten Pati on Wednesday, December 4, 2024, at the Festival Teater Berbahasa Daerah organized by Balai Bahasa Provinsi Jawa Tengah. The play, entitled “Kelingan, Kelangan: Ngendi Paran Mili Sumberan” (Remembering and Losing: Where do the springs flow?), written by Mo. Angga Saputro showcased a brilliant philosophical exploration rooted in Javanese ideas about loss.

The performance captivated the audience with its intricate theatrical play and profound themes, weaving together elements of nostalgia and the inevitability of change. The actors delivered their lines with remarkable emotion, drawing the audience into the depths of the characters’ experiences. The set design was equally impressive, reflecting the cultural richness of Javanese heritage while enhancing the narrative’s emotional weight.

Mo. Angga Saputro’s script was a masterful blend of traditional Javanese motifs, philosophy, and contemporary issues, prompting viewers to reflect on their own experiences of loss and memory. The dialogue was laced with poetic language, resonating deeply with the audience and inviting them to ponder the philosophical questions posed throughout the play. Teater Sekar Langit was commendable, as they skillfully balanced the performance’s dramatic moments with lighter, more obscure interludes, creating a dynamic theatrical experience. The blocking of the actors was thoughtfully integrated, adding a layer of theatrical play that complemented the spoken word.

Indeed, the performance was not just a theatrical presentation; it was a cultural celebration that highlighted the importance of Indigenous philosophy: kelangan kelingan, a thing or someone they thought belonged to them in the past, with enough rehearsal and enough time, they began to feel as though it’s from their own memory, when in fact what they’re remembering is the story that’s been told to them filling in the gaps of a feeling of loss, rather than a narrative that comes from their recall and experience. Losing a part of your past, whether it’s something monumental or seemingly insignificant, can strike you with an overwhelming force, akin to being hit by a ton of bricks. It’s a jarring experience that leaves you feeling as though a vital piece of your identity has vanished—like losing your nose or even an entire leg. In those moments, you find yourself gazing into a mirror, confronted by a reflection that no longer includes what once defined you. The absence is palpable, a void that echoes with memories of what used to be.

Losing your past can be likened to the experience of relocating to a new place. It prompts a profound contemplation of what it would be like to suddenly forget everything, reminiscent of the disorientation that follows a stroke. In that state of confusion, the familiar becomes foreign, and the comfort of memory is stripped away. We often overlook the fact that we are constantly shedding fragments of our past, whether we realize it or not cherished moments fade into the background of our lives, leaving behind only echoes.

While we may have the ability to replay those memories in our minds, the act of remembrance does little to alter the reality of loss. It serves as a bittersweet reminder of what was, but it cannot resurrect the experiences or the people who have slipped away. Loss is not a singular event; it is a daily occurrence, woven into the fabric of our existence. Everything around us is in a constant state of flux, and with each passing day, we lose bits and pieces of our past, whether over time, changes in relationships, or the inevitable march of life. What does this relentless cycle of loss truly mean for us? It compels us to confront the transient nature of our experiences and relationships. It challenges us to find meaning in the impermanence of life, to cherish the moments we have, and to embrace the beauty of change. Each loss, while painful, also opens the door to new beginnings and opportunities for growth. It reminds us that while we may grieve what is gone, we also can create new memories, forge new connections, and redefine our identities in the face of change. Ultimately, the act of losing is intertwined with the act of living, and in that delicate balance, we discover the resilience of the human spirit.

Losing things isn’t as tough as it seems, as Elizabeth Bishop pointed out. In her poetry, she often reflects on the transient nature of life and the inevitability of loss. There are so many objects and moments around us that seem destined to be lost. These losses, while momentarily frustrating, often feel less significant in the grand scheme of things. They are part of the ebb and flow of daily life, easily replaced or forgotten as we move forward. However, when it comes to losing someone or something that holds deep emotional significance, the experience transforms entirely. The absence of a loved one, whether through death, distance, or the slow drift of time, creates a void that is palpable and often overwhelming. Memories become bittersweet, tinged with nostalgia and longing. The laughter shared, the moments of comfort, and the simple presence of that person can haunt us, making it difficult to navigate life without them.

The art of losing isn’t hard to master;
so many things seem filled with the intent
to be lost that their loss is no disaster.[2]

Experiencing loss (kelangan Jv) usually happens when certain memories come to mind (kelingan Jv), often triggered by specific sights, sounds, or even scents that evoke a deep emotional response. These memories can transport us back to moments shared with loved ones, and beautiful nature, reminding us of the joy and connection we once felt. As we recall these times, the weight of absence can become overwhelming, as we confront the reality that those moments are now part of the past. The process of remembering can be bittersweet; while it allows us to celebrate the lives and experiences we cherished, it also brings forth feelings of sadness and longing. In these moments, the interplay of memory and loss can create a complex emotional landscape, where joy and sorrow coexist. Ultimately, the experience of loss is deeply personal and can manifest in various ways. Therefore, avoiding loss we may not recall things in the past.

[1] A drama manuscript KELINGAN, KELANGAN: Ngendi Paran Mili Sumberan.by Mo. Angga Saputro, Teater Sekar Langit, SMA PGRI 2 Kayen

[2] One Art by Elizabeth Bishop 1911 –1979

Udud (Cigarette Smoking)

The evolution of smoking is a complex narrative that traces the distribution of tobacco from its sacred roots among indigenous populations in the Americas to its widespread adoption and commercialization across the globe. This transformation is marked not only by the cultural significance of tobacco but also by the emergence of a structured tobacco industry that has had profound social, economic, and health implications. Indigenous use of tobacco dates back to as early as 5000 BC, when it played a vital role in various shamanistic ceremonies and rituals. For these communities, smoking was not merely a recreational activity; it was a spiritual practice that facilitated communication with the divine, served as a means of healing, and was integral to social bonding. The sacred nature of tobacco was deeply embedded in the cultural fabric of these societies, with different tribes employing it in diverse ways, often using it in ceremonial pipes or as offerings.

The Columbian Exchange, a pivotal event in the history of global trade and cultural exchange, marked the introduction of tobacco to Europe. Following the voyages of Christopher Columbus and other explorers in the late 15th and early 16th centuries, tobacco quickly captured the interest of European societies. Initially viewed with scepticism, it soon gained popularity, leading to its widespread cultivation and consumption. By 1600, tobacco had proliferated throughout Europe and England, becoming a fashionable commodity. Its value was so significant that it even served as a form of currency in some regions, illustrating its economic importance and the burgeoning demand for this new product. The 19th century heralded a new era for the tobacco industry, particularly following the American Civil War. This period saw significant industrialization, which transformed tobacco production and consumption. A landmark innovation was the invention of the cigarette machine by James Albert Bonsack in 1881. This machine revolutionized the way cigarettes were produced, allowing for mass production and making them more accessible to the general public. The convenience and affordability of machine-made cigarettes contributed to a dramatic increase in smoking rates, particularly among working-class individuals and women, who were increasingly drawn to the habit. Smoking itself involves the inhalation and exhalation of smoke produced from burning plant materials, predominantly tobacco. The act of smoking has evolved into various forms, including cigars, pipes, and, most notably, cigarettes. Tobacco contains nicotine, an addictive alkaloid that has a profound impact on the brain and body. Nicotine is known for its dual effects; it can produce stimulating sensations, enhancing alertness and concentration, while also providing calming effects that can alleviate stress and anxiety.

In another part of the world, in Java Island, Klobot cigarettes are a distinctive type of traditional kretek cigarette originating from Ponorogo, East Java, Indonesia. These unique cigarettes are notable for their use of tobacco wrapped in klobot, which is the dried husk, a leaflike structure that wraps around the ear. This wrapping not only serves a practical purpose but also contributes to the cigarettes’ signature aromatic fragrance, setting them apart from other types of cigarettes. The cultural significance of klobot cigarettes is particularly pronounced among the warok community of Ponorogo, as well as among reog (a traditional Javanese dance from East Java that involves many elements including graceful choreography, extraordinary physical strength, as well as extravagant costumes and decorations) artists, who often refer to them as warok or reog cigarettes due to their close association with these cultural groups.

The tradition of smoking klobot cigarettes is deeply rooted in the customs of the warok (ascetic expert of reog dance), who are known for their roles as cultural performers and guardians of local traditions. The preparation of these cigarettes is typically carried out by a gemblak, a young assistant or apprentice who lives with a warok and is under warok’s subordination, who skillfully rolls the tobacco in the klobot leaves. This process is not merely functional; it is also a ritual that reflects the community’s values and practices. The component is necessary for making klobot as cigarettes are often stored in a large pocket of the othok (large pocket belt), a traditional garment worn by the warok, allowing for convenient access and transport. In addition to their popularity among the warok, klobot cigarettes are also favoured by the leaders of the reog barongan, a traditional dance performance that features elaborate costumes and masks. These leaders often place klobot cigarettes in their ears during ceremonies, symbolizing their cultural significance and the connection between the performers and their heritage.

In another part of the island, Ciptagelar Sukabumi, while smoking is widely recognized for its associated health risks, there exists a particular type of cigarette that is believed to offer some benefits: kawung (gomuti palm dried leaf) cigarettes. These are commonly smoked by the residents of Ciptagelar Village in Sukabumi, crafted from high-quality tobacco wrapped in kawung leaf, or gomuti palm leaves, and are often enhanced with the addition of cloves. The unique sound produced when the dried tobacco ignites—characterized by a rhythmic “kretek-kretek-kretek”—is what classifies them as kretek cigarettes. This auditory element adds to the sensory experience of smoking kawung cigarettes, further embedding them in the local culture and traditions.

In Kudus, Central Java, cigarettes ̶ particularly those known as kretek ̶ are a unique blend that primarily consists of dried tobacco mixed with a distinctive clove sauce. This combination not only gives kretek cigarettes their characteristic flavour and aroma but also sets them apart from traditional tobacco cigarettes. The origins of kretek cigarettes can be traced back to Kudus, where they were first produced. This town played a crucial role in the development of this type of cigarette.

Over the years, the production of kretek cigarettes has expanded significantly beyond Kudus. Other regions in Indonesia, such as Surabaya, Kediri, and Malang, have also become prominent centres for kretek manufacturing. Each area has contributed to the kretek industry, bringing its local flavours and production techniques to the mix. As a result, the kretek cigarette market has diversified, offering a wide range of products that cater to different tastes and preferences. The kretek industry provides employment opportunities for many individuals, from farmers who grow tobacco and cloves to factory workers involved in the manufacturing process. Additionally, the popularity of kretek cigarettes has led to the establishment of various brands, each vying for a share of the market, further fueling competition and innovation within the industry.

In Banyumas, rokok klembak menyan or rhubarb cigarette contains incense and rhubarb root or klembak (Rheum officinale L). This cigarette is usually referred to as Lisong Cigarette or Siong Cigarette. Klembak menyan cigarettes are made from sliced tobacco leaves, crushed rhubarb roots, and incense, then rolled with cigarette paper. Popular among farmers and labourers in the Banyumasan cultural region, these cigarettes are available in the form of factory-made cigarettes, but more commonly in the form of tingwe (nglinting dhewe, or RYO roll-your-own) cigarettes. These cigarettes are popular because they are relatively cheap and affordable for the lower classes. In addition, it is believed by some people to be used as a cure for coughs, and constipation, and as a fragrance. Currently, the sales of this type of cigarette have stagnated and tend to decline, because only people who are old and elderly smoke these cigarettes. Younger people prefer to smoke the more popular white cigarettes and kretek cigarettes, while klembak-menyan cigarettes (factory-made) are mostly used as cigarettes serve as offerings in prayer ceremonies such as slametan or a Javanese communal feast, held to celebrate numerous types of events such as earth alms and sea alms in rural areas.

All in all, kretek, klobot, kawung, and klembak-menyan cigarettes are a unique product that reflects the rich cultural heritage of Indonesia’s tobacco industry. They represent significant cultural practices within their respective communities in Indonesia. They are not merely products for consumption but are intertwined with the identities, rituals, and traditions of the ahli hisap (people who smoke them).

New Lemmas tobe Proposed:

rokok elektrik n perangkat elektronik yg dapat mengubah cairan menjadi uap yg dihirup penggunanya, berfungsi menggantikan rokok berbahan dasar tembakau nanti malam , ” pungkasnya . “ Akan dilaporkan sebagai kasus akibat rokok elektrik pertama di Indonesia , , ” tutur dr . Agus .

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=rokok&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

rokok ilegal n rokok yg tidak memenuhi standar dan regulasi pemerintah serta tidak membayar cukai yg ditandai dgn pita cukai

satpol PP Karangasem menjalani rapid test . Anggota Satpol PP Klaten menyita rokok ilegal di wilayah Klaten , Rabu ( 12 / 8 / 2020

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=rokok&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

rokok konvensional n rokok yg menghasilkan asap dari pembakaran tembakau

Apalagi ditambah iming-iming kalau rokok elekrik tidak lebih berbahaya dibandingkn rokok konvensional . Apalagi ditambahkan dengan kecap manis , daging sapinya dijamin makin

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=rokok&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

rokok polos n rokok yg sudah dikemas tetapi tidak dilekati pita cukai

sarana pengangkut dan didapati lima karton rokok tanpa dilekati pita cukai ( rokok polos ) . Atas informasi tersebut , petugas langsung melakukan pengembangan dan

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=rokok&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

rokok filter n rokok yg disertai penyaring berupa busa serabut sintetis pd bagian pangkal

bukti yang disita diantaranya . ” Beberapa barang seperti minyak goreng , rokok filter , rokok putih , beras . Beberapa barang sudah diamankan dengan

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=rokok&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

rokok putih n rokok yang bahan bakunya hanya daun tembakau tanpa campuran

diantaranya . ” Beberapa barang seperti minyak goreng , rokok filter, rokok putih , beras . Beberapa barang sudah diamankan dengan ditumpuk tinggi di

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=rokok&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

rokok kretek n rokok khas Indonesia yg terbuat dari campuran tembakau, cengkeh, dan rempah-rempah pilihan, biasanya berbunyi “kretek-kretek” saat dibakar yg berasal dari cengkih yg terbakar

emas perhiasan sebesar 0 , 02 % ( mtm ) , dan rokok kretek filter sebesar 0 , 01 % ( mtm ) . BI

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=rokok&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

SKT n sing Sigaret Kretek Tangan (rokok yg dilinting dgn menggunakan tangan manusia)

menyediakan ruang usaha yang lebih murah . ” Di dalam satu batang rokok SKT , terdapat 2 gram tembakau . ” Di dalam satu task

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=rokok&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

Peningkatan Kualitas Rokok Sigaret Kretek Tangan (Sk

https://www.neliti.com/id/publications/127965/peningkatan-kualitas-rokok-sigaret-kretek-tangan-skt-dengan-metode-six-sigma-stu

SKM n sing Sigaret Kretek Mesin (rokok yg dilinting dgn menggunakan mesin)

Apa Beda Cukai Sigaret Kretek Mesin dan Sigaret Putih …

https://money.kompas.com/read/2021/02/03/220200926/apa-beda-cukai-sigaret-kretek-mesin-dan-sigaret-putih-mesin-?page=all

rokok klobot n rokok yg menggunakan pembungkus kulit jagung kering

Hubungan kebiasaan merokok klobot terhadap diskolorasi gigi

http://103.49.68.23/usaktiana/index.php/home/detail/detail_koleksi/0/SKR/th_terbit/00000000000000109971/0

rokok kawung n rokok yg menggunakan pembungkus daun aren kering

Rokok Kawung Dianjurkan karena Menyehatkan

https://www.tribunnews.com/kesehatan/2012/11/01/rokok-kawung-dianjurkan-karena-menyehatkan

rokok klembak menyan n Jw rokok yg terbuat dari irisan daun tembakau, kemenyan, dan serpihan akar klembak yg dihaluskan kemudian digulung dengan kertas rokok, biasanya dikenal dengan nama rokok siong atau rokok lisong

Mengenal Klembak Menyan, Konon Rokok Tradisional …

https://www.tempo.co/ekonomi/mengenal-klembak-menyan-konon-rokok-tradisional-indonesia–188461

The Dancer

In April 1882, the two friends, philosopher Paul Rée and the renowned German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, found themselves in the vibrant city of Rome, a place steeped in history and culture. During this visit, they encountered the intriguing figure of Lou Andreas-Salomé, a young Russian-born intellectual and writer making waves in the philosophical circles of Europe. Salomé was known for her sharp intellect, independent spirit, and unconventional views on love and relationships, which captivated many of her contemporaries.

As the trio spent time together, it is believed that Nietzsche, who had previously been somewhat reserved in matters of the heart, quickly developed deep feelings for Salomé. This emotional shift mirrored the earlier affections Rée had harboured for her, creating a complex dynamic among the three. Nietzsche, known for his intense and passionate nature, found himself drawn to Salomé’s brilliance and charisma, and it is thought that he saw in her a kindred spirit who could understand and appreciate his philosophical ideas.

In a moment of vulnerability and hope, Nietzsche confided in Rée, requesting that he propose to Salomé on his behalf. This request highlighted not only Nietzsche’s admiration for Salomé but also his struggle with expressing his feelings directly. Rée, who had once been enamoured with Salomé himself, found himself in a delicate position, caught between his friendship with Nietzsche and his own past affections.

However, when Rée approached Salomé with Nietzsche’s proposal, she responded with a firm yet gentle refusal. Salomé expressed her appreciation for Nietzsche’s friendship and intellect but made it clear that she was not interested in pursuing a romantic relationship with him. Her rejection was rooted in her belief in the importance of intellectual companionship over romantic entanglements, as well as her desire for personal freedom and autonomy.

This moment marked a significant turning point in the relationships among the three individuals. While Nietzsche’s feelings for Salomé remained unrequited, the experience deepened the philosophical discussions and emotional complexities that characterized their interactions. Salomé’s decision not only affected Nietzsche and Rée but also shaped her own path as a thinker and writer, as she continued to navigate the intricacies of love, friendship, and intellectual collaboration in a society that often sought to confine women to traditional roles. The encounter in Rome thus became a pivotal chapter in the lives of these three influential figures, intertwining their fates in ways that would resonate throughout their subsequent works and relationships.

Penari

─untuk Luíza Gustavovna Salomé

Pria itu beteriak kepada matahari

“kehidupan adalah perselisihan rasa dan rasa”

sembari tersenyum, melirik pujaan hati

mata Venus yang memesona dan membutakan

kekuatan hidup yang memabukkan

ia terus mencari, sesosok Tuhan yang menari

di Turin ia meloncat-loncat girang, menari tanpa pakaian

mengunjungi lorong-lorong rahasia, lantai dansa

ia menjadi seperti angin, bergegas keluar dari gua-gua

menuju pipa-pipa, laut gementar di bawah langkahnya

siapa gerangan membunuh singa-singa betina?

roh-roh baik dan sulit diatur datang seperti badai, terpujilah

mereka:

mereka yang terlahir tak serta merta dapat terbang

Lou, kini pria itu tumbang di jalanan,

memeluk tubuh kegilaan

ia menangis dengan lengan meronta,

menepis bayang di leher, punggung, dan dada

kuda tua yang kelelahan

melindunginya dari cambukan.

070518-kdp

tari (tari) : [nari]: narya, manari; [panari]: panaryya. Sumber: Bausastra: Jarwa Kawi, Padmasusastra, 1903, #11.

penari latar n penari yang bertugas untuk mendukung penampilan penyanyi di atas panggung

mendapat tampilan serba hitam dan putih untuk Spears dan perak untuk para penari latar . Akhirnya mereka pasrah . Akhirnya , mereka pun meminta pulang

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=penari&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

penari utama n penari yang berperan utama dalam sebuah pertunjukan tari

Dalam acara tersebut , mantan penari utama girl group asuhan YG Entertainment tersebut bernostalgia , banyak mengisahkan pengalamannya

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=penari&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

penari telanjang n penari yg secara perlahan membuka baju sambil diiringi music pd pertunjukan erotis

Polda Nusa Tenggara Barat ( NTB ) menangkap dua penari telanjang ( striptis ) di Senggigi , Lombok Barat

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=penari&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

penari akrobatik n penari yang memadukan teknik tari klasik dengan unsur-unsur akrobatik

Solberg , yang mantan bintang penari akrobatik , berada di urutan kelima klasemen keseluruhan dunia balap reli tahun

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=penari&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

penari erotis n penari yang menampilkan tarian yang bertujuan untuk merangsang atau membangkitkan gairah seksual penonton

Bridget dikisahkan sebagai mantan penari erotis dan pecandu narkoba yang melarikan diri setelah menyaksikan peristiwa pembunuhan oleh

https://cqpweb.lancs.ac.uk/lccindonesianv3/concordance.php?qdata=penari&qmode=sq_nocase&pp=50&qstrategy=0&t=

Badhogan: Racism and Cultural Narratives

Culture and racism are complex concepts that play significant roles in shaping societal dynamics and individual identities. At their core, both concepts pertain to collectives of individuals who share a common lineage or historical background, which often influences their shared values, beliefs, customs, and practices. Culture encompasses the traditions, languages, art, and social norms that characterize a particular group, while race is often understood as a social construct that categorizes people based on perceived physical differences, such as skin colour, facial features, and hair texture. The interconnection between culture and race is evident in how societies classify and understand social groups. Cultural identity is frequently tied to racial identity, as individuals from similar racial backgrounds may share certain cultural practices and experiences shaped by their historical contexts. For instance, the experiences of African Americans in the United States are deeply rooted in a history of slavery, segregation, and systemic discrimination, which has fostered a unique cultural identity that reflects resilience, creativity, and community solidarity.

The relationship between culture and race, however, is not without its complexities. While culture can serve as a source of pride and unity among individuals of the same racial background, it can also be a basis for exclusion and discrimination. Racism, in its various forms, often arises from the misinterpretation or oversimplification of cultural differences, leading to stereotypes and prejudices that dehumanize individuals based on their racial identity. This can manifest in systemic inequalities, where certain racial groups are marginalized and denied equal access to resources, opportunities, and rights.

The constructs of culture and race are not static; they evolve over time as societies change and as individuals interact with one another. Globalization, migration, and intercultural exchanges have led to the blending and redefinition of cultural identities, challenging traditional notions of race and ethnicity. In contemporary society, individuals may identify with multiple cultures or reject racial categorizations altogether, reflecting a more nuanced understanding of identity that transcends simplistic classifications. Culture and racism are interconnected constructs that serve to classify social groups based on shared traits and experiences. While they can foster a sense of belonging and community, they also have the potential to perpetuate division and inequality. Understanding the complexities of these concepts is essential for addressing the challenges of racism and promoting a more inclusive and equitable society.

Raids on Padang Restaurants
Recent discussions in the community have increasingly focused on the controversial raids conducted on Padang restaurants that are alleged to be operated by individuals who do not belong to the Minang ethnic group. These operations have sparked significant debate and concern among both culinary enthusiasts and cultural advocates. The crux of the issue lies in the perception that the sale of Padang cuisine by non-Minangkabau individuals undermines the authenticity and cultural heritage of this beloved culinary tradition. Padang cuisine, known for its rich flavours and diverse array of dishes, is deeply rooted in the Minangkabau culture of West Sumatra, Indonesia. It is characterized by its use of bold spices, coconut milk, and a variety of meats and vegetables, often served in a communal style. The preparation and presentation of these dishes are not merely culinary practices; they are expressions of cultural identity and pride for the Minang people.

The emergence of non-Minangkabau individuals operating Padang restaurants has raised questions about the authenticity of the cuisine being offered. Critics argue that when those outside the Minang community prepare and serve these dishes, there is a risk of diluting the traditional recipes and methods that have been passed down through generations. This concern is compounded by the fact that some of these establishments may prioritize profit over cultural integrity, leading to the commodification of a cuisine that holds significant cultural value.
The ongoing debates surrounding this issue reflect broader themes of cultural appropriation, identity, and the preservation of culinary heritage. Supporters of the raids argue that they are necessary to protect the authenticity of Padang cuisine and to ensure that it is represented by those who have a genuine connection to its cultural roots. On the other hand, opponents of the raids contend that culinary traditions are inherently fluid and that food can transcend cultural boundaries, allowing for diverse interpretations and adaptations.

As the community grapples with these complex issues, it is clear that the conversation surrounding Padang cuisine is not just about food; it is about identity, heritage, and how culture is shared and preserved in an increasingly globalized world. In other perspectives, the conversation is only about business competition. Recent discussions have emerged regarding the inspections of Padang restaurants purportedly not operated by individuals of Minang descent. This issue has sparked considerable debate within the culinary and cultural communities, as it touches on deeper themes of identity, authenticity, and the commercialization of traditional cuisine. The notion that Padang cuisine, which originates from the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra, is frequently offered by non-Minangkabau individuals is not a new phenomenon. In fact, this has been a topic of contention for many years, with ongoing discussions about what constitutes “authentic” Padang food and who has the right to serve it.

Commercial Rivalry in the Food Industry
The recent surge in attention can be traced back to a video that went viral on social media, depicting a ‘raid’ on a Padang restaurant located in Cirebon Regency, West Java. In this footage, officials are seen removing the signage that identifies the establishment as a Padang restaurant, raising questions about the legitimacy of its operations. This incident has not only captured the public’s interest but has also ignited a broader conversation about the intersection of ethnic identity and commercial rivalry in the food industry. The removal of the signage serves as a powerful symbol of the ongoing struggle over cultural ownership and representation. It highlights the complexities involved in defining what it means to be authentically Minangkabau in a rapidly globalizing world where culinary practices are increasingly commodified. The debates surrounding these issues underscore the influence of tribalism in contemporary business practices, as individuals and communities seek to protect their cultural heritage while navigating the competitive landscape of the restaurant industry.

This situation reflects a growing trend where ethnic identity is leveraged as a marketing tool, leading to tensions between those who claim cultural authenticity and those who operate outside of these traditional boundaries. As Padang cuisine continues to gain popularity beyond its regional origins, the question of who can rightfully claim to serve this beloved food becomes increasingly contentious. The discussions surrounding these inspections and the subsequent social media reactions reveal a society grappling with its cultural identity, the implications of globalization, and the dynamics of power within the culinary world.

Monosodium glutamate (MSG)
The recent events surrounding the inspections of Padang restaurants not operated by individuals of Minang descent serve as a microcosm of larger societal issues. They highlight the ongoing debates about authenticity, cultural ownership, and the role of ethnic identity in business, all of which are crucial in understanding the evolving landscape of culinary practices as it has something in common with the history of monosodium glutamate (MSG) in the United States is an example of how racism has influenced public perception of Asian food and culture. The term “Chinese restaurant syndrome” is a racist and unscientific myth that falsely blames Chinese food for a group of symptoms. The New York City Health Department’s response to the myth was to send a letter to Chinese food manufacturers and vendors demanding that MSG be used sparingly, but not by non-Chinese restaurants or American food manufacturers.

The historical context of anti-Asian sentiment within both the culinary sector and broader national discourse has played a significant role in fostering public scepticism towards monosodium glutamate (MSG). This scepticism can be traced back to a complex interplay of cultural biases, economic competition, and social narratives that have shaped perceptions of Asian cuisine and its ingredients over time. In the culinary sector, the introduction of MSG in the mid-20th century coincided with the growing popularity of Asian restaurants in the United States.

However, this rise was met with resistance from segments of the population that harboured preconceived notions about Asian food and its authenticity. The perception of MSG as a foreign additive became intertwined with existing stereotypes about Asian cooking practices, leading to a broader narrative that framed MSG as an unhealthy or even dangerous ingredient. This narrative was often fueled by sensationalized media reports and anecdotal evidence, which disproportionately targeted Asian culinary traditions while ignoring the widespread use of similar flavour enhancers in Western cooking. The economic competition posed by Asian restaurants and food products has further exacerbated anti-Asian sentiment. As these establishments gained popularity, they challenged traditional American dining norms and practices, leading to pushback from established culinary institutions. This competition often manifested in the form of negative campaigns against Asian food, with MSG becoming a focal point for criticism. The narrative that framed MSG as a harmful substance served to undermine the legitimacy of Asian cuisine and, by extension, the communities that produced it.

Racism and Cultural Narratives
Culture can be defined as the amalgamation of both physical and cognitive-behavioural patterns that emerge from the interactions between individuals and their environment, as well as among individuals themselves. It encompasses a wide range of elements, including language, beliefs, customs, values, and social norms that shape the way people perceive and interact with the world around them. As culture is not static; it evolves through the continuous exchange of ideas and practices among individuals and groups, influenced by historical, social, and environmental factors. In this context, it can be argued that racism constitutes a cultural component. Racism, defined as the belief in the superiority of one race over another, often manifests through discriminatory practices, prejudiced attitudes, and systemic inequalities. It is not merely an individual failing but rather a phenomenon that can be deeply embedded within the cultural fabric of a society. This means that racism can be perpetuated through cultural narratives, socialization processes, and institutional practices that normalize and reinforce racial hierarchies.

At the end of the day, the manifestation of racism can vary significantly across different cultures. In some societies, overt expressions of racism may be more common, while in others, it may be more subtle or institutionalized. Additionally, how individuals and groups respond to and challenge racism can also differ, reflecting the unique cultural values and beliefs that inform their actions. Understanding culture as a dynamic interplay of behaviours and interactions allows for a more nuanced examination of racism as a cultural phenomenon, highlighting the importance of addressing not only individual attitudes but also the broader cultural contexts that shape and sustain racist beliefs and practices. By recognizing the cultural dimensions of racism, we can better understand its roots and work towards fostering more equitable and inclusive societies.

Works cited:
Frantz Fanon, Frantz. 1969. Toward the African Revolution, trans. Haakon Chevalier, Monthly Review Press, 1967; New York: Grove Press Inc.,

–. 2024. Police investigate alleged raid against budget ‘Nasi Padang’ restaurants Nasi Padang restaurant association apologizes for causing commotion on social media. News Desk (The Jakarta Post) PREMIUM Jakarta Fri, November 1, 2024. https://www.thejakartapost.com/indonesia/2024/11/01/police-investigate-alleged-raid-against-budget-nasi-padang-restaurants.html.

badhog : KN. ambadhog, plat voor eten; met gulzigheid of smullend eten, vreten, schransen, verslinden, bv. van butå’s, booze geesten enz. RP. 130; zoo BJ. VII, 5, 2; XXVIII, 8, 7, van godheden die de aarde verslinden CS. binadhog, verslonden, bv. door booze geesten (of door het vuur BJ. LXVIII, 12, 5, CS.). — badhogan, iets om op te slikken WP. 459. Source: Javaansch-Nederlandsch Handwoordenboek, Gericke en Roorda, 1901, #918.

Cumbu, Gabur, Bandang

Birds, as avian creatures endowed with the remarkable ability to fly, have long captivated the human imagination with their grace and freedom. However, despite their natural inclination for flight, many birds find themselves confined within the restrictive confines of cages. This confinement often stems from a desire for companionship, as humans seek to keep these beautiful creatures close. Yet, it is important to recognise that certain species of birds can be conditioned to exhibit a remarkable level of docility, allowing them to remain in close proximity to their owners even when allowed to fly unrestrained. This practice of allowing birds to soar freely while still maintaining a strong bond with their owners is known as free flying. Over the past three years, this trend has gained significant traction in Indonesia, where bird enthusiasts have embraced the idea of letting their feathered companions experience the joy of open skies. In free-flying, birds are permitted to navigate expansive outdoor spaces, having undergone training that enables them to recognize their names or specific calls from their owners. This training is crucial, as it ensures that the birds can return safely to their caretakers after exploring their surroundings.

The concept of bird ownership need not be synonymous with restriction and confinement. In fact, many species of birds can thrive and enjoy the exhilarating freedom of flight without the limitations imposed by cages. This practice of free-flying is increasingly being recognized and celebrated, as it allows birds to engage in their natural behaviours while still fostering a deep connection with their human companions. However, it is essential to note that successful free flying requires careful consideration of the bird’s upbringing and socialisation. Birds that are socialised from a young age are more likely to develop a strong emotional bond with their caretakers. This bond is nurtured during their formative years, enhancing the relationship between the bird and its owner. By providing a nurturing environment and positive interactions, caretakers can help their birds feel secure and confident, making the experience of free flying not only enjoyable but also safe.

The practice of free flying represents a harmonious balance between the innate desires of birds for freedom and the companionship that humans seek. By allowing birds to experience the thrill of flight while maintaining a close relationship with their owners, we can redefine the notion of bird ownership. This approach not only enriches the lives of the birds but also deepens the connection between them and their human caretakers, creating a mutually beneficial relationship that celebrates the beauty of avian life.

The practice of caring for birds for free-flying in Indonesia encompasses at least three notable terms that have been adopted from English into the Indonesian language: free-fly, bonding, and escape. These concepts reflect a rich cultural heritage that can be traced back to the Javanese ancestors who lived in rural areas. Historically, many Javanese individuals engaged in the care and nurturing of various bird species, including the gagak (raven, scientifically known as Corvus enca), thilang/kutilang/gentilang (sooty-headed bulbul, or Pycnonotus aurigaster), and alap-alap/elang laut (sea eagle, Haliaeetus leucogaster). This practice fostered deep emotional connections between the birds and their caretakers, highlighting the significance of these relationships in Javanese culture.

Unlike the conventional practice of keeping birds in cages, these Javanese caretakers allowed their birds to fly freely around their households. This freedom was not merely a matter of physical space; it symbolised a bond of trust and companionship between the birds and their owners. In fact, some birds would accompany their owners to rice fields, further illustrating the close-knit relationship that developed over time. In this context, the term cumbu (bonding) was used to refer to these birds, signifying a strong emotional bond and affection that the caretakers felt towards them. Conversely, the term gabur was employed to describe birds that fled or escaped from their caretakers. This term also encompassed those birds that integrated into wild colonies, which the Javanese similarly referred to as gabur. This dual usage of the term highlights the complexity of the relationship between humans and birds, where the act of escaping could signify both a loss and a return to a natural state. The practice of caring for birds in Javanese culture is not just about companionship; it reflects a deep-seated appreciation for nature and the emotional ties that can develop between humans and animals. The adoption of terms like free-fly, bonding, and escape into the Indonesian language underscores the evolving nature of these relationships and the cultural significance they hold in contemporary society.

Certainly! Here’s an expanded explanation of the three Javanese terms—gabur, cumbu, and bandang—and how they relate to the concepts of free-fly, bonding, and escape:

Gabur (Free-Fly)

The term “gabur” in Javanese can be associated with the idea of freedom and the ability to move without constraints. In the context of “free-fly,” it evokes imagery of birds soaring through the sky, unbound by limitations. This concept can also extend to the notion of liberation in various aspects of life, such as personal expression, creativity, and the pursuit of one’s passions. Gabur embodies the essence of exploration and the joy of being unencumbered, allowing individuals to experience life in its fullest form.

Cumbu (Bonding)

“Cumbu” refers to the deep connections and relationships that form between individuals, often characterized by affection, intimacy, and mutual support. In the context of “bonding,” cumbu highlights the importance of social ties, whether they be familial, platonic, or romantic. This term captures the essence of togetherness and the emotional bonds that enrich human experiences. It emphasizes the value of companionship, trust, and the shared moments that strengthen relationships, making it a fitting equivalent for the concept of bonding.

Bandang (Escape)

The term “bandang” can be interpreted as breaking free or finding a way out of a situation. In the context of “escape,” it conveys the idea of seeking refuge or liberation from constraints, whether they be physical, emotional, or societal. Bandang embodies the instinctual drive to seek safety and freedom, often in response to challenges or adversities. This term resonates with the human desire to overcome obstacles and find solace, making it a suitable equivalent for the concept of escape.

All in all, these three Javanese terms—gabur, cumbu, and bandang—each encapsulate distinct yet interconnected aspects of human experience, reflecting the themes of freedom, connection, and liberation. They provide a culturally rich perspective on these universal concepts, highlighting the depth and nuance of Javanese language and thought.

gabur v menerbangkan atau melepaskan burung

bur : of êbur, KN. I. ook bêr, klanknabootsing van het wegvliegen van een vogel, vgl. but, brung, byung. bur manuk, N. bur pêksi, K. wegvliegen als een vogel, spreekwijs voor zijn huis verlaten zonder iets mee te nemen. bur, of êbur, weggevlogen, verdwenen, verdwijnen, wegraken; vervallen van een pand (vrg. wur). — bêbêr, zva. gêbêr. — ngêbur, doen vergaan, smelten, te niet doen G. (Vrg. lêbur, en zie een ander ngêbur, bij kêbur). — ngêburake, een pand laten vervallen. — buran, of buran, zie beneden. bur-buran, of êbur-êburan, vervallen, vervallen pandgoed. — bêr-bêran, gedurig in vliegende beweging zijn of hard loopen, heen en weer snellen. — blêbêr, zie beneden. abur, ibur, en ibêr, KN. het vliegen, de vlucht van een vogel. saibêr lakuning pelor, zoover als een kogel vliegt Bab. Jo. I, 704, 705. layang ibêr, of Wk. ° ibêr-ibêr, zva. layang kiriman, brief, in onderscheiding van layang wacan, boek Wk., zendbrief, kondbrief; en volg. Rh. bep. circulaire ter aankondiging van de komst van een ambtenaar, reiziger enz. aksara ibêr-ibêr, loopend schrift, in onderscheiding van aksara wacan, gedrukt, staand schrift, zooals meestal in de leesboeken wordt gevonden. ibêr-ibêr, ook rekenpenning, schijfjes of penningen om bij het rekenen de eenheden, tientallen enz. aan te duiden Wk. — ngibêr-ibêr, met behulp daarvan rekenen Wk. — ngibêr-ibêri, iets (daarmee) uitrekenen; iets, bv. de tien- of honderdtallen daarmee aanduiden Wk., vgl. peling, wêling, bincil, jarak. — ngabur-abur, door elkander strooien (vrg. ngawur-awur, bij wur). — mabur, (mibur, Wk., Prěg. 53) mibêr, vliegen, opvliegen, wegvliegen. BG. 338: pêksi °, v. widådari’s BTDj. 39. — kabur, (kebur, Wk.) kèbêr, uit elkander vliegen, door den wind op- of meegevoerd, verstuiven JZ. II, vgl. kleyang. — ngaburi, enz. op iets afvliegen, naar iets toevliegen, vliegende naderen of vervolgen. — ngaburake, enz. op-, weg- of uit elkander doen vliegen, laten weg- waaien; vliegend wegnemen JZ. II. ngibêrake, vlg. CP. in Bijdr. 6e R. v, 630: gronden van het apanage aan anderen overdragen of weggeven, ten nadeele van den apanagehouder. — (iburan, en Wk.) ibêran, vliegend als soort, in onderscheiding van pluimvee, dat niet vliegt. băngsa ibêran, vliegende dieren, gevogelte; ook tot wegvliegen geneigd Wk. II. Holl. boor. — ngêbur, boren. — ngêburake, voor een ander (iets) boren; iets laten boren. — bur-buran, of êbur-êburan, geboord, geboord gat. Sumber: Javaansch-Nederlandsch Handwoordenboek, Gericke en Roorda, 1901, #918.

cumbu a jinak dan kembali kepada pemilik setelah dilepaskan ke alam bebas

cumbu (cumbu) : I kn. 1 wis tutut (lulut) bangêt tmr. kewan (anggêr lunga mêsthi bali manèh); 2 pc. kêrêp mara; dicêcumbu: dilêlantih murih cumbu. II kw: lucu, lêlucon. Sumber: Bausastra Jawa, Poerwadarminta, 1939, #75.

bandang v melarikan diri, tidak kembali kepada pemilik (tt burung)

ngangsêh (GaGs|h) : bandang, mangsah, majêng. Sumber: Têmbung Kawi Mawi Têgêsipun, Wintêr, 1928, #1506.

Colours and Culture

Debates on colour terminology and its definitions from a (meta)lexicographic perspective remain limited, highlighting a significant gap in the field of lexicography. The documentation and definition of colours present both intriguing and complex challenges within this domain, as colours are not merely visual phenomena but also carry deep cultural meanings and associations. Certain colours hold substantial cultural significance, serving as keywords that reflect the rich lexicon of a culture and influence the cognitive, emotional, and communicative practices of its speakers. This interplay between colour and culture underscores the importance of understanding how colour terms are defined and utilized within different linguistic contexts.

To analyze and assess the current and potential lexicographic interpretations of colours in the Indonesian language will always be intriguing. This task is both timely and necessary given the evolving nature of language and cultural expression. By examining the lexicographic treatment of colour terms, people seek to identify patterns that could enhance the understanding of colour-related meanings in the online Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia (KBBI), Indonesia’s primary dictionary. The KBBI may serve as a crucial resource for language users, and its definitions can significantly shape how colour concepts are perceived and understood within society.

To achieve these objectives, two empirical procedures can be undertaken. The first procedure focused on the “specialized” and “unspecialized” definitions of colour terms in the online KBBI, analyzing how these definitions cater to different audiences and contexts. The second procedure examined “foreign” definitions in the Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary (MWOD), providing a comparative perspective on how colour terminology is treated in English lexicography. This comparative analysis is essential for understanding the broader implications of colour terminology across languages and cultures.

The result of the investigation reveals three key insights. First, the definitions of colour terms in both the online KBBI and MWOD align with an appropriate framework for organizing and conceptualizing semantic primes. This alignment establishes connections between senses and the cultural contexts of Indonesian and English, suggesting that the definitions are crafted with consideration for “unspecialized” readers who may not have extensive background knowledge in colour theory or cultural nuances. This accessibility is crucial for fostering a broader understanding of colour terminology among the general public.

Second, while the existing definitions provide a solid foundation, there is a notable need for innovative approaches to colour explication. This is particularly important in exploring non-existent subsenses—meanings that may not be explicitly defined but are nonetheless relevant to users’ understanding of colour. By addressing these gaps, lexicographers can better meet the expectations of dictionary users, providing them with a more detailed explanation and it can assist dictionary readers in living up to their expectations.

When it comes to understanding colours, navigating the distinction between specialized terminology and more general language can be quite complex. As Moon (1987: 175-176) articulates, there exists a nuanced interplay between what we might consider “specialist” meanings—those that are specific to certain fields or disciplines—and “general” meanings, which are more commonly employed in everyday conversation. This distinction is particularly relevant in the context of colour, where the implications of a term can vary significantly depending on the context in which it is used.

Specialized terms often arise within specific domains such as art, science, or design, where precision and clarity are paramount. For instance, in the realm of colour theory, professionals might refer to colours using technical definitions that encompass their wavelengths, saturation, and brightness. These definitions are crucial for tasks that require exactness, such as colour mixing in painting or calibrating displays in digital media. However, this level of specificity can be alienating or confusing to those outside these fields, as it may not resonate with their everyday experiences or understanding of colour.

On the other hand, general words are those that people use in their daily lives, often devoid of the technical jargon that specialists might employ. Krista William (2017: 40) provides a compelling illustration of this distinction through the example of a child requesting a red train. In this scenario, the child is not preoccupied with the scientific definition of red, which describes it as “the hue of the long wave end of the visible spectrum, evoked in the human observer by radiant energy with wavelengths of approximately 630-750 nanometers.” Instead, the child’s understanding of red is rooted in a practical, tangible context—they simply want a toy that resembles a tomato. This highlights how the meaning of a word can be shaped by its application in real-life situations, contrasting sharply with the more rigid definitions that specialists might use.

Furthermore, the complexity of defining specialized terms becomes even more pronounced when these terms possess multiple meanings or when they overlap with everyday language. For example, the term “red” can refer not only to a specific colour but also to various shades and tones, each with its connotations and uses. This multiplicity can lead to confusion, as individuals may interpret the term differently based on their background, knowledge, and context. Thus, the challenge lies in bridging the gap between the precise, often technical definitions favoured by experts and the more fluid, context-dependent meanings that permeate everyday language.

Explication

The situation surrounding the concept of colour is becoming increasingly intricate and nuanced. Wierzbicka (2008) presents a compelling argument that challenges the notion of universal colour concepts in both languages and thought. She posits that rather than adhering to a traditional understanding of colour, which often assumes a set of universally recognized categories, we should embrace a more complex framework of visual semantics. This perspective complicates the task of defining colour terms using the Natural Semantics Metalanguage (NSM), as NSM does not recognize colours as universal concepts and does not categorize them as semantic primes. Consequently, when attempting to define color terms, one might inadvertently overlook the NSM framework, given its treatment of colour as a non-fundamental element in the structure of meaning.

To address this challenge, I propose an innovative approach that seeks to integrate the principles of NSM with Aristotle’s philosophical concepts of genus and differentia. Aristotle’s method of definition, which involves identifying a genus (or family) to which a term belongs and then specifying its differentia (the characteristics that distinguish it from other members of that genus), offers a valuable framework for redefining colour terms. By employing this dual approach, we can create definitions that not only acknowledge the shared characteristics of colour terms within a broader category but also accommodate the unique attributes that may not fit neatly into established classifications.

This integration means that all definitions that share the same genus will be recognized as part of that overarching group, while simultaneously allowing for the inclusion of definitions that may diverge from the conventional genus. This approach draws upon the foundational primes and categories articulated by Wierzbicka and Goddard (2010), enabling a more comprehensive understanding of colour that respects both the complexity of visual perception and the linguistic diversity surrounding colour terminology. By merging these frameworks, we can develop a richer, more nuanced semantic model that reflects the intricacies of how colour is conceptualized and communicated across different languages and cultures.

DEFINIENS
CATEGORY	PRIMES
SUBSTANTIVES	colour, the x colour, people, appearance, perception, spectrum, something/thing, one, variation
RELATIONAL SUBSTANTIVES	resemble, relate, indicate
DETERMINERS	that, the same, other~else~another
QUANTIFIERS	some, all, much/many, little/few, full of, lacking, overly, lacking, subdue, softness, small amount, melioratus, tinged with
EVALUATORS, FOUNDAMENTAL	intense, free from, basic, plain, secondary, tertiary, saturated
DESCRIPTORS	light, bright, dull, slightly, too
MENTAL PREDICATES	think, feel, see, hear, allow
ACTIONS	symbolize, characterize, turn, produce, add, reduce, mix, differentiate
COMPARISON	that of, that in, than
EXISTENCE, POSSESSION	be (somewhere), there is, have (something), be (something), (is) its
TIME	when/time, now, a long time, for some time, past
RANGE	far, near (any of group between) between
LOGICAL CONCEPTS	not, maybe, can, because, if
INTENSIFIER, AUGMENTOR	very, more, too, less
SIMILARITY	like, as, in proportion to
NEGATION	deprived of, not, absent of, opposite
OPPOSITION	opposite (contrast with)

Using the proposed model of colour’s semantic primes from Wierzbicka and Goddard (2010), I will expand on the explanations for the term “red” as follows: 1. For the term red (with a more specific meaning):

a. A colour [SUBSTANTIVE] whose hue [SUBSTANTIVE] is similar [RELATIONAL SUBSTANTIVES] to the colour [SUBSTANTIVE] of [COMPARISON] x longwave [SUBSTANTIVE] and y spectrum [SUBSTANTIVE]. This definition emphasizes that “red” is a specific colour that can be identified by its position in the visible light spectrum, particularly at longer wavelengths. It is often associated with vivid and intense examples, such as the colour of blood or the deep red of a ruby. This specificity helps to distinguish “red” from other colours by its unique spectral properties. 2. For red (in a general sense):

b. A colour [SUBSTANTIVE] whose hue [SUBSTANTIVE] is similar [RELATIONAL SUBSTANTIVES] to that of blood or a ruby [M]. This general definition captures the essence of “red” by relating it to familiar objects that people can easily visualize, such as blood and rubies. It highlights people’s common associations with the colour, making it relatable and understandable.

c. Having [MENTAL PREDICATES] an exact [SIMILARITY] to the colour [SUBSTANTIVE] of [COMPARISON] blood or a ruby [M]. This explanation suggests that when we think of “red,” we often conjure images of specific items, like red clothing or accessories. The mental association with these objects reinforces our understanding of what “red” looks like and how it can be applied in various contexts.

d. One [SUBSTANTIVE] that is a colour [SUBSTANTIVE] like [COMPARISON] blood or a ruby [M]. This definition broadens the concept of “red” to include variations, such as shades that are red or reddish. It acknowledges that “red” can manifest in different forms, such as the colour of red wine, which may not be pure red but still falls within the red spectrum. A shade of red that’s a shade of colour like the deep hue of blood or a ruby gemstone one that’s red or reddish: think of a glass of RED WINE

e. the colour resembling the vividness of blood or a ruby gemstone represents the emotion of anger or embarrassment getting flushed, especially when angry or embarrassed, can lead to a visible change in complexion

f. having skin that changes to a colour like the vibrant tone of blood or a ruby having skin that turns red due to inflammation, such as in cases of allergic reactions or sunburn

g. the colour of the striking shade of blood or a ruby gemstone represents the political ideology of the communist party often referred to as the red party

h. the colour of the bold hue of blood or a ruby gemstone represents the identity of a special force or brigade commonly known as the red brigade

i. having skin that’s a colour similar to the metallic sheen of that of a chopper offensive: having skin with a coppery tint, which can be perceived as derogatory or insensitive

j. having hair or fur that’s a colour similar to the gradient between the colour of auburn and the colour of chestnut of hair, fur, etc.: being in the colour range that reflects warm, rich tones often associated with autumn leaves

An explication for red word (unspecialized sense) of the online KBBI senses:

warna “colour” [SUBSTANTIVE] dasar “primary” that [DETERMINER] is similar to [SIMILARITY] that of [COMPARISON] blood [M]

warna dasar yang serupa dengan warna darah “a basic colour that is similar to the colour of blood”

mengandung “having” [MENTAL PREDICATES] warna “colour” [SUBSTANTIVE] that [DETERMINER] is similar to [SIMILARITY] that of [COMPARISON] blood [M]

mengandung atau memperlihatkan warna yang serupa dengan merah

“having a colour similar to that of blood”

An explication for red word (unspecialized sense) based on Indonesian language context:

colour [SUBSTANTIVE] that of [COMPARISON] blood or of the ruby [M] symbolizes [ACTION] unfavourable achievement [M]

rapor merah (unfavourable achievement)

mereka memberikan rapor merah terhadap pemerintah “they claim that the government has made unfavourable achievement (news.detik.com › berita › d-5780334)

colour [SUBSTANTIVE] that of [COMPARISON] blood [M] symbolizes [ACTION] holiday [M]

setidaknya ada dua tanggal merah yang ada di bulan Juli 2022 “at least there are two holidays in July 2022” (www.suara.com › news › 2022/06/27)

colour [SUBSTANTIVE] that of [COMPARISON] blood [M] symbolizes [ACTION] signal to stop [M]

lampu merah kepada korupsi “end corruption” (https://errors.net/error/?license=SCiTsm5C1he0rMtk803QFXb1bidHUdToLJ80bsxg&errorurl=https%3A%2F%2Fgeckoproject.id%2Flampu-merah-korupsi-dalam-proses-perizinan-611d4ddbdcc3&error=404&uuid=09bc88c856f34cd09be39f3c5c8b86a7)

colour [SUBSTANTIVE] that of [COMPARISON] blood [M] symbolizes [ACTION] warning [M]

Presiden Joko “Jokowi” Widodo memberikan lampu merah lantaran kasus penyebaran virus corona atau COVID-19 semakin tinggi.” President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo showed a red light as corona virus or COVID-19 cases were increasing” (https://www.idntimes.com/news/indonesia/teatrika/jokowi-sebut-lampu-merah-saat-kasus-covid-19-melejit-ini-maknanya)

colour [SUBSTANTIVE] that of [COMPARISON] blood [M] symbolizes [ACTION] danger [M]\

masuk zona merah “belongs to dangerous zone”

Masuk Zona Merah “https://kumparan.com/kumparannews/siaga-darurat-pmk-60-kecamatan-di-diy-masuk-zona-merah-1yT1OKhlOVo)

colour [SUBSTANTIVE] that of [COMPARISON] blood [M] symbolizes [ACTION] communist party[M]

orang-orang penting partai merah “powerful leaders in Communist party” (www.rappler.com › 131238-kuburan-massal-pelanggaran-ham-1965)

colour [SUBSTANTIVE] that of [COMPARISON] blood [M] symbolizes [ACTION] newborn [M]

Bayi Masih Merah Dibuang “newborn baby dumped” (www.lensabengkulu.com › tegah-bayi-masih-merah-dibuang-malam)

colour [SUBSTANTIVE] that of [COMPARISON] blood [M] symbolizes [ACTION] ejection from the match [M]

Felipe Melo sering mendapatkan kartu merah “Felipe Melo oftentimes gets redcard” (https://www.90min.com/id/posts/5736204-5-pemain-yang-paling-banyak-mengoleksi-kartu-merah-sepanjang-kariernya)

colour [SUBSTANTIVE] that of [COMPARISON] blood [M] symbolizes [ACTION] government property [M]

enam perusahaan pelat merah “six government companies” (https://www.cnbcindonesia.com/news/20211213115937-8-298803/lampu-merah-utang-perusahaan-bumn)

Certain explanations from c to k show meanings linked to various words like rapor “report,” tanggal “date,” lampu “lamp,” partai “(political) party,” bayi “baby,” and kartu “card.” These can be organized in a way that reveals meanings such as “unfavourable achievement, holiday, signal to stop, warning, danger, communist party, newborn, ejection from the match,” which will give more context about the colour red.

The way we define colour through words and terms really hinges on who’s using them. As Bejoint pointed out, the audience has shifted over time, moving from a narrow, upper-class, educated group to a more diverse crowd with varying education and economic backgrounds. Identifying the traits of these target users, as Robert Lew noted in 2015, is crucial during the planning phase. This helps in creating dictionaries that don’t yet exist by offering the kind of lexicographic info users are likely to need, all while considering their skill levels. However, as culture evolves, so does the typical user, as Bejoint mentioned in 1994. The typical user has transformed alongside cultural shifts. Interest in classical history and literature is giving way to a focus on science and technology. Dictionaries are a reflection of these societal changes (Béjoint 1994: 112).

This aligns with the intended users of the online KBBI, which was designed as a general-purpose dictionary prioritizing unspecialized definitions. Over time, both the online KBBI and the MWOD have become key references in academic writing. Therefore, defining colours in both specialized and unspecialized ways is a solid option since both dictionaries include scientific terms as guides (like geophysics, chemistry, petrology, philosophy, etc.), making both types of definitions valuable for users.

References

Moon, R.1987. Monosemous Words and the Dictionary. Cowie, A.P. (Ed.) 1987. The Dictionary and the Language Learner. Papers from the EURALEX Seminar at the University of Leeds, 1–3 April 1985. Lexicographica Series Maior: 173-182. Tübingen: Niemeyer.

Williams, Krista. 2017. Colours in French, American and British Dictionaries

Lexikos 27 (AFRILEX-reeks/series 27: 2017): 540-560 http://lexikos.journals.ac.za

Goddard, Cliff & Anna Wierzbicka. 2002. Semantic primes and universal grammar. In Cliff Goddard & Anna Wierzbicka (eds.), Meaning and universal grammar – Theory and empirical findings, Vol I, 41–85. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

https://www.merriam-webster.com/thesaurus/red retrieved 13th February 2021

https://kbbi.kemdikbud.go.id/entri/merah 19th February 20212021

Parry, William Thomas; Hacker, Edward A. (1991). Aristotelian Logic. G – Reference, Information and Interdisciplinary Subjects Series. Albany: State University of New York Press. p. 86. ISBN 9780791406892. Retrieved 8 Feb 2019

Wierzbicka, Anna. 2008. “Why there are no ‘colour universals’ in language and

thought?” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.) 14, 407-425. Royal Anthropological Institute 2008

Robert Lew, Robert. 2015. Dictionaries and Their Users. International Handbook of Modern Lexis and Lexicography. DOI 10.1007/978-3-642-45369-4_11-1

pale red: merah dadu

pastel red: merah pucat

flesh red: merah pucat merah daging ,

blood red: merah darah ,

sanguine: merah darah merah delima

purplish pink: merah delima/merah genting

tile red: merah genting/merah hati

liver brown: merah hati/merah insang/merah jadam

reddish violet: merah jadam/merah jambu

pink: merah jambu

rosy pink: merah jambu/merah kesumba

pastel pink: merah kesumba/merah danau

lake red: merah danau/merah lembayung

magenta: merah lembayung

red purple: merah lembayung/merah lombok

capsicum red: merah lada/merah cabai

paprica red: merah lada/merah cabai/merah manggis

maroon: merah manggis

violet brown: merah ungu merah marak

scarlet: merah marak merah mawar

rose red: merah mawar

madder red: merah mengkudu/merah merang/merah merjan ,

coral red/jasper red: merah marjan/merah merjan

cinnabar red: merah merona ,

vermillion: merah merona

bright red: merah merona/merah murup ,

shining red: murub/menyala

bluish red: merah padam

crimson: merah lembayung

Nyi Kasanah

Ratu Shima (Queen Shima) (674-695 AD) is often recognised as the sole authoritative female ruler on the island of Java, a remarkable figure in a historical context marked by female leadership. Following the death of her husband, King Kartikeyasinga, in 674 AD, she ascended to the throne of the Kingdom of Kalingga, a significant transition that marked the beginning of her influential reign. Ratu Shima’s strong leadership and governance during her time on the throne contributed significantly to the kingdom’s prominence, establishing Kalingga as a notable power in the region and making it well-known worldwide at the time.

Kingdom of Kalingga, also referred to as Keling or Holing, was a significant Hindu kingdom that emerged as one of the largest political entities in Java. It was strategically located on the northern coast of the island, specifically in the region better known today as Jepara, Central Java. Its geographical positioning allowed Kalingga to engage in trade and cultural exchanges with other kingdoms, enhancing its influence and wealth. The kingdom was characterised by its rich cultural heritage, which included advancements in art, architecture, and literature, reflecting the vibrant Hindu culture that flourished during Ratu Shima’s reign. Ratu Shima’s leadership style was marked by her commitment to justice and governance. She was known for her fair and equitable rule, which earned her the respect and loyalty of her subjects. One of the most notable aspects of her reign was her dedication to maintaining order and stability within the kingdom. She implemented a series of reforms that strengthened the administrative structure of Kalingga, ensuring that the kingdom could effectively manage its resources and respond to external threats.

Ratu Shima stands out as the singular prominent female leader of the island, a figure whose legacy continues to resonate in discussions about gender and leadership. Her role is significant in the discourse surrounding the comparison of male and female leadership, as she embodies the complexities and challenges faced by women in positions of power. In contemporary discourse, Ratu Shima’s legacy inspires a reevaluation of male-female leadership paradigms, encouraging a more nuanced understanding of what it means to lead. Her contribution serves as a reminder that effective leadership can take many forms and that diversity in leadership is essential for fostering innovation, empathy, and holistic decision-making. As discussions about gender equality and representation in leadership continue to evolve, Ratu Shima remains a pivotal figure, symbolising the potential for women to lead with authority and impact in any sphere.

Mansoor and Abrar (2020;45) argue that women have long demonstrated both the ability and aspiration for leadership roles; nevertheless, their potential has frequently been constrained by economic and social obstacles. These obstacles have appeared in multiple forms, such as systemic discrimination, cultural stereotypes, and restricted access to educational and professional opportunities. For many centuries, societal conventions have established that leadership positions are primarily held by men, resulting in a notable lack of representation of women in influential roles. This deeply entrenched norm has roots in historical, cultural, and institutional biases that have perpetuated the idea that men are more suited for leadership, while women are often relegated to supportive or subordinate roles. As a consequence, women have faced significant barriers to entry in various fields, particularly in politics, business, and academia, where decision-making power is concentrated.

Historically, women who attained leadership positions often did so by emulating the masculine approach to leadership, which typically emphasised traits such as assertiveness, competitiveness, and a results-oriented mindset. This approach was largely shaped by a corporate culture that favoured traditional male leadership styles, often sidelining the unique qualities that women could bring to the table. As a result, many women felt pressured to adopt behaviours and strategies that aligned with these established norms to gain acceptance and recognition in leadership roles. This, however, suggests a significant shift in this dynamic, as women increasingly influence organisations through their distinctive leadership styles. This evolution is characterised by a growing recognition of the value of diverse leadership approaches that incorporate emotional intelligence, collaboration, and inclusivity—qualities often associated with female leadership (Rosener, 1990). The emergence of these alternative styles is not merely a reaction to the limitations of traditional masculine leadership; it represents a proactive effort by women to redefine what effective leadership can look like in contemporary organisations.

The discourse of leadership, particularly in the context of gender, remains a compelling and ongoing discussion. A distinctive approach suggests that mediation between female and male leadership styles can be achieved by recognising the intrinsic balance of ‘feminine’ and ‘masculine’ traits within individuals. Nevertheless, this perspective does not resolve the existing debate. It stands in contrast to another viewpoint that advocates for leaders who exhibit a high degree of both masculinity and femininity, while those who are undifferentiated are characterised as low in both dimensions (Bem, 1993:120).

A novel concept is introduced: androgyny, which has its roots in Plato’s *Symposium* and has been prevalent in various myths, artistic expressions, and literary works throughout history. This notion has been “revitalised by social scientists” (Hargreaves, 2005, p. 97). The terms androgyny, leadership, and fairy tales not only share a historical significance as frameworks for exploring the fundamental nature of humanity but also pertain to an individual’s connection with their inner self and their social interactions. More specifically, androgyny encompasses the harmonious relationship between masculine and feminine elements, as well as the internal equilibrium of these qualities within an individual. This balance allows for a more nuanced understanding of identity, transcending traditional gender binaries and embracing a spectrum of characteristics that can be expressed by anyone, regardless of their biological sex.

In the context of leadership, androgyny can be particularly relevant. Effective leaders often exhibit traits that are traditionally categorised as both masculine—such as assertiveness, decisiveness, and confidence—and feminine—such as empathy, collaboration, and nurturing. By integrating these qualities, leaders can foster inclusive environments that encourage diverse perspectives and innovative solutions. This blend of traits not only enhances their effectiveness but also reflects a more holistic approach to leadership that resonates with contemporary values of equality and diversity. Furthermore, fairy tales, often seen as simplistic narratives, can serve as rich texts for examining androgyny. Many classic tales feature characters who embody both masculine and feminine traits, challenging the rigid gender roles that have historically defined them. For instance, protagonists may display bravery and strength while also demonstrating compassion and vulnerability. These stories can inspire readers to embrace their own androgynous qualities, promoting a broader understanding of what it means to be human.

The concept of androgyny is not merely an abstract idea but a vital lens through which we can examine the complexities of identity, leadership, and cultural narratives. By recognising and valuing the interplay of masculine and feminine traits within ourselves and others, we can cultivate a more inclusive society that honours the full spectrum of the human experience. This exploration not only enriches our understanding of individual identity but also enhances our social interactions, fostering deeper connections and mutual respect among diverse groups.

Virginia Woolf, a prominent figure in British modernist literature, is recognised for her exploration of androgyny as a means to articulate her perspective on the dynamics between men and women, as well as the future of female authorship. She initiates her discourse by examining the collaborative potential of both genders, ultimately asserting that a successful writer must embody androgyny by synthesising both feminine and masculine elements within their creative endeavours. In her contemplation of androgyny as a vital trait for exceptional writers, Woolf illustrates a vision of gender collaboration through a vivid scene featuring “a girl in patent leather boots” and “a young man in a maroon coat” (Woolf, 1987, p. 92). She shifts her focus to the internal interplay of the two genders within an individual’s psyche, particularly that of a writer, rather than the external collaboration between men and women. While she acknowledges the importance of inter-gender cooperation, Woolf posits that true creative energy arises from the harmonious integration of contrasting qualities within the individual.

Woolf also cites Samuel Coleridge and William Shakespeare as exemplars of androgynous writers who produced some of the most innovative works in English literature by drawing upon both masculine and feminine aspects within themselves, asserting that their minds are “man-womanly” and “woman-manly” (p. 94). She notes that Coleridge believed “a great mind is androgynous,” which encompasses attributes of being “resonant and porous,” as well as “naturally creative, incandescent and undivided” (p. 94). Shakespeare is characterised as androgynous due to his lack of awareness regarding his own gender, which liberates his creativity from the constraints typically imposed by a singular sex. In contrast, many male authors of the 19th century, such as Mr A, whom Woolf references, were preoccupied with their own gender and sought to assert their dominance in their writings. Through her discussion of these two androgynous figures, Woolf underscores the significance of integrating diverse gender qualities in the creative process. As an answer to this self-imposing question, Woolf demonstrates that the failure stems from all kinds of prejudices that are internalized in people’s minds in judging ‘superiority’ and ‘inferiority’, and from socially established hierarchical structure Sandra Bem, who is considered to be one of the leading psychologists working on androgyny, classifies individuals as having one of four gender-role orientations: “masculine, feminine, androgynous, or undifferentiated” (Bem, 1993, p. 120) and discusses the positive characteristics of androgynous people.

Conversely, Bem posits that an androgynous individual embodies both high levels of masculinity and femininity, whereas an undifferentiated individual exhibits low levels of both traits (p. 120). Furthermore, individuals who identify as androgynous tend to demonstrate greater psychological flexibility and overall mental well-being compared to those who align strictly with masculine or feminine characteristics. Carl Jung, a prominent psychoanalyst, significantly shaped the discourse surrounding these concepts, employing the notion of androgyny to elucidate the integrated nature of the human psyche. Jung interprets androgyny as a reflection of an individual’s inner wholeness, suggesting that both men and women must achieve self-understanding in a holistic manner, which is one interpretation of the term ‘integrity.’ Notably, Jung’s theory of androgyny is characterised by the “spiritualization of the mind” (Pietikainen, 2007, p. 103) and a focus on the harmonious relationship between the conscious and unconscious aspects of the self.

In a land distant from the island of Lésbos, where the great philosopher Aristotle once resided, a remarkable literary endeavour was unfolding in the heart of Java. During the early 19th century, specifically between the years 1814 and 1823, a group of distinguished Javanese literary figures came together to create a monumental work that would encapsulate the rich tapestry of Javanese culture. This group included the esteemed Kiai Ngabei Ranggasutrasna, Kiai Ngabei Yasadipura II, and Kiai Ngabehi Sastradipura, all of whom were prominent scholars and poets of their time. Under the visionary leadership of Adipati Anom Amangkunagara III, a noble figure known for his patronage of the arts and commitment to preserving Javanese heritage, these literary luminaries commissioned three of the most revered poets in the kingdom. Their task was to weave together a narrative that would not only reflect the essence of Javanese life but also serve as a repository of its traditions, beliefs, and philosophies. The result of this collaborative effort was the creation of “Suluk Tembangraras,” considered by many scholars as a literary masterpiece that intricately explored various aspects of Javanese culture, including spirituality, social customs, and the philosophical underpinnings of life in Java. This work was characterised by its poetic form and profound insights, making it a significant contribution to the literary canon of the land.

Over time, “Suluk Tembangraras” gained recognition and acclaim, eventually becoming widely known as “Serat Centhini.” This title has since become synonymous with the rich cultural heritage of Java, serving as a vital source of knowledge and inspiration for generations. “Serat Centhini” not only stands as a testament to the artistic achievements of its creators but also as a reflection of the enduring legacy of Javanese literature and its capacity to convey the complexities of human experience through the lens of local culture.

Serat Centhini (Canto 143 stanza 20 to Canto 147 stanza 38), during a rewang activity, communal work in which women intend and act of assisting others to cook food for a traditional ceremony. The women, while cooking, wanted to hear valuable advice, but there was Nyai Atikah, they said. Nyai Atikah tells them stories to ward off sleepiness. One of her stories, it is said in the land of Israel, tells a wealthy and benevolent master whose name was Ki Suhul. Ki Suhul had a sibling named Ki Kasut. Ki Suhul married Nyi Kasanah.

Nyi Atikah mèsêm lingnya luwih atut pamintanira nini karêbène aja ngantuk kocapa jroning praja Banisrail ana juragan linangkung sugih branarta budiman Ki Suhul arannirèki

Ki Suhul exhibited intense jealousy towards his wife, a sentiment that often clouded his judgment and dictated his actions. His possessiveness was rooted in a deep-seated fear of losing her affection, which intensified as he prepared for a trading journey to a neighbouring country. This journey was not just a mere business venture; it was a significant undertaking that would keep him away from home for an extended period, leaving him anxious about the potential for temptation and infidelity. Ki Kasut, who had yet to marry, found himself unable to restrain his impulses. In an unexpected surge of desire, he attempted to convince Nyi Kasut to betray her loyalty. Nyi Kasanah, however, firmly declined his advances, reminding him of their familial bond as sister-in-law and urging him to consider his brother, who was away on a journey. Despite her counsel, Ki Kasut was overwhelmed by his carnal urges and disregarded her warnings. Feeling rejected and frustrated, he delved into disappointment.

Again and over again, Ki Kasut failed in his attempt to seduce his sister-in-law. Convinced that if he could not possess her, it would be preferable to eliminate her in her entirety, he swiftly mobilised a group of individuals to fabricate a narrative accusing her of infidelity with another man. He orchestrated the presence of false witnesses to corroborate this deceitful account. Consequently, Nyi Kasanah was accused of adultery. Ki Kasut’s deceitful witnesses successfully misled the religious authority, resulting in their conviction and subsequent death sentence by rajam, a brutal punishment involving a collective stoning until death. Fortunately, after the community presumed her to be deceased, she was hastily placed in a graveyard. However, no one was willing to inter her, leaving her abandoned. Nyi Kasanah was fortunate in that none of the wolves approached her body. By dawn, she regained her senses and once again turned her lamentations towards God. “How could my brother-in-law commit such an atrocity against me?” she cried as if seeking divine understanding. Her pleas did not go unheard; a caravan of Badawi merchants travelling on camels passed by. They had paused for rest near the cemetery and faintly detected the sound of her moans. They discovered her in a dire condition. Despite her weakness, Nyi Kasanah managed to respond to a few inquiries. She was promptly cared for and provided with the necessary aid. Ki Baduwi, one of the merchants, took her to his home. However, her suffering continued as Ki Baduwi expressed his desire to marry her. Nyi Kasanah firmly rejected his advances, asserting that she was already married. In a manner reminiscent of Dostoevsky’s assertion that “beauty saves but” can also lead to misery, Ki Baduwi’s servant became infatuated with Nyi Kasanah, only to face rejection as well. In a fit of jealousy, he falsely accused her of killing Ki Baduwi’s young son, who had been sleeping in her presence. Consequently, Nyi Kasanah was expelled from the household. A series of additional misfortunes befell her until she ultimately recognised that the slander directed at her stemmed from her beauty. In response, she donned male attire and adopted the name Bagus Kasanah, successfully transforming into a man. This change enabled her to ascend to the position of Patih, or Prime Minister, marking a significant achievement in her life.

Ing dalune malih wong awak perau kang samya kandhuhan wingit sêdyarsa agrabasèng lulut (m)bok Kasanah ngadêg sarwi (n)junjung astanira karo Andodonga nyuwun pitulung Hyang Agung nulya carat taun prapti angin topan wus tumêmpuh niyup wong sapalwa gusis muhung Kasanah tan kegoh Gya angrasuk busana awarna kakung punang palwa gung wus minggir praptèng labuhan pinêthuk wong nagri lir sabênèki Bagus Kasanah tatakon

Nyi Kasanah, a woman of remarkable depth and complexity, found herself at a crossroads in her life, grappling with the dual nature of beauty. She understood that while beauty could save and provide a sense of worth, it could also lead to objectification and suffering, particularly in a society that often values others by their gender. This realisation prompted a profound transformation within her. In a courageous bid for survival and self-actualisation, Nyi Kasanah adopted a male identity, renaming herself Bagus Kasanah. This transformation was not merely a change of name but a radical shift in how she navigated the world. By embracing a male persona, she sought to escape the constraints and expectations placed upon her as a woman, seeking freedom from societal norms that often dictated her worth and identity.

Further, her journey was getting complicated by her relationship with her husband, Ki Suhul. During his visit to her/his palace, Nyi/Bagus Kasanah made the difficult decision to spurn her/him. This rejection was not just a personal choice but a symbolic act of defiance against the traditional roles that had defined her life. It represented her desire to break free from the ties that bound her to a past that no longer resonated with her evolving sense of self. As Bagus Kasanah, she embarked on a quest for higher spiritual awareness, delving into practices and philosophies that encouraged introspection and self-discovery. This journey was marked by a conscious effort to diminish her expressions of femininity, as she/he sought to transcend the limitations imposed by gender. In doing so, she/he aimed to cultivate a deeper understanding of her identity, which was not confined by societal expectations but rather defined by her inner truth. Through this transformative process, Bagus Kasanah navigated the complexities of gender, identity, and spirituality, ultimately seeking a balance between the dualities of her existence. Her story is one of resilience and self-discovery, illustrating the profound female struggle to reconcile their inner self with the external world into an “undifferentiated” one. In her quest for authenticity, she challenged the notions of gender and identity, paving the way for a deeper exploration of what it means to be truly free.

Usulkan entri baru

androgini a tidak secara khusus menunjukkan sifat feminin atau maskulin, kombinasi sifat feminin dan maskulin

androginitas n keadaan androgini

(the quality or state of being neither specifically feminine or masculine: the combination of feminine and masculine characteristics: the quality or state of being androgynous)

Works cited:

Bem, S. (1993). Lenses of gender: Transforming the debate on sexual inequality. New York: Yale University Press.

Jung, C. G. (2004). On the nature of the psyche. London: Routledge

Manzoor and Abrar. 2020. The Difference Between Female And Male Leadership. Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 41–53.

Pietikainen, P. (2007). Alchemists of human nature: Psychological utopianism in Gross, Jung, Reich and Fromm. London: Pickering & Chatto

Woolf, V. (1987). A room of one’s own. London: Grafton Book